Lyceum Address


The Perpetuation of Our Political Institutions: Address Before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois January 27, 1838

As one of Lincoln's earliest published speeches, this address has been

much scrutinized and debated by historians, who see broad

implications for his later public policies. It's a remarkable effort

considering that Lincoln was 28, had just a year or so of formal

education, and several months before had moved from a rough

pioneer village to Springfield.

William Herndon, Lincoln's last law partner, describes the event this

way: "we had a society in Springfield, which contained and

commanded all the culture and talent of the place. Unlike the other

one its meetings were public, and reflected great credit on the

community...The speech was brought out by the burning in St. Louis

a few weeks before, by a mob, of a negro. Lincoln took this incident

as a sort of text for his remarks...The address was published in the

Sangamon Journal and created for the young orator a reputation

which soon extended beyond the limits of the locality in which he


By Abraham Lincoln

As a subject for the remarks of the evening, the perpetuation of

our political institutions, is selected.

In the great journal of things happening under the sun, we, the

American People, find our account running, under date of the

nineteenth century of the Christian era.--We find ourselves in the

peaceful possession, of the fairest portion of the earth, as regards

extent of territory, fertility of soil, and salubrity of climate. We find

ourselves under the government of a system of political

institutions, conducing more essentially to the ends of civil and

religious liberty, than any of which the history of former times tells us.

We, when mounting the stage of existence, found ourselves the

legal inheritors of these fundamental blessings. We toiled not in

the acquirement or establishment of them--they are a legacy

bequeathed us, by a once hardy, brave, and patriotic, but now

lamented and departed race of ancestors. Their's was the task

(and nobly they performed it) to possess themselves, and through

themselves, us, of this goodly land; and to uprear upon its hills and

its valleys, a political edifice of liberty and equal rights; 'tis ours

only, to transmit these, the former, unprofaned by the foot of an

invader; the latter, undecayed by the lapse of time and untorn by

usurpation, to the latest generation that fate shall permit the world

to know. This task gratitude to our fathers, justice to ourselves,

duty to posterity, and love for our species in general, all

imperatively require us faithfully to perform.

How then shall we perform it?--At what point shall we expect the

approach of danger? By what means shall we fortify against it?--

Shall we expect some transatlantic military giant, to step the

Ocean, and crush us at a blow? Never!--All the armies of Europe,

Asia and Africa combined, with all the treasure of the earth (our

own excepted) in their military chest; with a Bonaparte for a

commander, could not by force, take a drink from the Ohio, or

make a track on the Blue Ridge, in a trial of a thousand years.

At what point then is the approach of danger to be expected? I

answer, if it ever reach us, it must spring up amongst us. It cannot

come from abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be

its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen, we must live

through all time, or die by suicide.

I hope I am over wary; but if I am not, there is, even now,

something of ill-omen, amongst us. I mean the increasing disregard

for law which pervades the country; the growing disposition to

substitute the wild and furious passions, in lieu of the sober

judgment of Courts; and the worse than savage mobs, for the

executive ministers of justice. This disposition is awfully fearful in

any community; and that it now exists in ours, though grating to

our feelings to admit, it would be a violation of truth, and an insult

to our intelligence, to deny. Accounts of outrages committed

by mobs, form the every-day news of the times. They have

pervaded the country, from New England to Louisiana;- they

are neither peculiar to the eternal snows

of the former, nor the burning suns of

the latter;--they are not the creature of climate-- neither are they

confined to the slave-holding, or the non-slave- holding States.

Alike, they spring up among the pleasure hunting masters of

Southern slaves, and the order loving citizens of the land of steady

habits.--Whatever, then, their cause may be, it is common to the

whole country.

It would be tedious, as well as useless, to recount the horrors of all

of them. Those happening in the State of Mississippi, and at St.

Louis, are, perhaps, the most dangerous in example and revolting

to humanity. In the Mississippi case, they first commenced by

hanging the regular gamblers; a set of men, certainly not following

for a livelihood, a very useful, or very honest occupation; but one

which, so far from being forbidden by the laws, was actually

licensed by an act of the Legislature, passed but a single year

before. Next, negroes, suspected of conspiring to raise an

insurrection, were caught up and hanged in all parts of the State:

then, white men, supposed to be leagued with the negroes; and

finally, strangers, from neighboring States, going thither on

business, were, in many instances subjected to the same fate. Thus

went on this process of hanging, from gamblers to negroes, from

negroes to white citizens, and from these to strangers; till, dead

men were seen literally dangling from the boughs of trees upon

every road side; and in numbers almost sufficient, to rival the

native Spanish moss of the country, as a drapery of the forest.

Turn, then, to that horror-striking scene at St. Louis. A single

victim was only sacrificed there. His story is very short; and is,

perhaps, the most highly tragic, if anything of its length, that has

ever been witnessed in real life. A mulatto man, by the name of

McIntosh, was seized in the street, dragged to the suburbs of the

city, chained to a tree, and actually burned to death; and all within

a single hour from the time he had been a freeman, attending to his

own business, and at peace with the world.

Such are the effects of mob law; and such as the scenes, becoming

more and more frequent in this land so lately famed for love of law

and order; and the stories of which, have even now grown too

familiar, to attract any thing more, than an idle remark.

But you are, perhaps, ready to ask, "What has this to do with the

perpetuation of our political institutions?" I answer, it has much to

do with it. Its direct consequences are, comparatively speaking,

but a small evil; and much of its danger consists, in the proneness

of our minds, to regard its direct, as its only consequences.

Abstractly considered, the hanging of the gamblers at Vicksburg,

was of but little consequence. They constitute a portion of

population, that is worse than useless in any community; and their

death, if no pernicious example be set by it, is never matter of

reasonable regret with any one. If they were annually swept, from

the stage of existence, by the plague or small pox, honest men

would, perhaps, be much profited, by the operation.--Similar too, is

the correct reasoning, in regard to the burning of the negro at St.

Louis. He had forfeited his life, by the perpetuation of an

outrageous murder, upon one of the most worthy and respectable

citizens of the city; and had not he died as he did, he must have

died by the sentence of the law, in a very short time afterwards. As

to him alone, it was as well the way it was, as it could otherwise

have been.--But the example in either case, was fearful.--When

men take it in their heads to day, to hang gamblers, or burn

murderers, they should recollect, that, in the confusion usually

attending such transactions, they will be as likely to hang or burn

some one who is neither a gambler nor a murderer as one who is;

and that, acting upon the example they set, the mob of to-morrow,

may, and probably will, hang or burn some of them by the very

same mistake. And not only so; the innocent, those who have ever

set their faces against violations of law in every shape, alike with

the guilty, fall victims to the ravages of mob law; and thus it goes

on, step by step, till all the walls erected for the defense of the

persons and property of individuals, are trodden down, and

disregarded. But all this even, is not the full extent of the evil.--By

such examples, by instances of the perpetrators of such acts going

unpunished, the lawless in spirit, are encouraged to become

lawless in practice; and having been used to no restraint, but dread

of punishment, they thus become, absolutely unrestrained.--Having

ever regarded Government as their deadliest bane, they make a

jubilee of the suspension of its operations; and pray for nothing so

much, as its total annihilation. While, on the other hand, good men,

men who love tranquility, who desire to abide by the laws, and

enjoy their benefits, who would gladly spill their blood in the

defense of their country; seeing their property destroyed; their

families insulted, and their lives endangered; their persons injured;

and seeing nothing in prospect that forebodes a change for

better; become tired of, and disgusted with, a Government that

offers them no protection; and are not much averse to a change in

which they imagine they have nothing to lose. Thus, then, by the

operation of this mobocractic spirit, which all must admit, is now

abroad in the land, the strongest bulwark of any Government, and

particularly of those constituted like ours, may effectually be

broken down and destroyed--I mean the attachment of the People.

Whenever this effect shall be produced among us; whenever the

vicious portion of population shall be permitted to gather in bands

of hundreds and thousands, and burn churches, ravage and rob

provision-stores, throw printing presses into rivers, shoot editors,

and hang and burn obnoxious persons at pleasure, and with

impunity; depend on it, this Government cannot last. By such

things, the feelings of the best citizens will become more or less

alienated from it; and thus it will be left without friends, or with too

few, and those few too weak, to make their friendship effectual. At

such a time and under such circumstances, men of sufficient talent

and ambition will not be wanting to seize the opportunity, strike the

blow, and overturn that fair fabric, which for the last half century,

has been the fondest hope, of the lovers of freedom, throughout

the world.

I know the American People are much attached to their

Government;--I know they would suffer much for its sake;--I know

they would endure evils long and patiently, before they would ever

think of exchanging it for another. Yet, notwithstanding all this, if

the laws be continually despised and disregarded, if their rights to

be secure in their persons and property, are held by no better

tenure than the caprice of a mob, the alienation of their affections

from the Government is the natural consequence; and to that,

sooner or later, it must come.

Here then, is one point at which danger may be expected.

The question recurs, "how shall we fortify against it?" The answer

is simple. Let every American, every lover of liberty, every well

wisher to his posterity, swear by the blood of the Revolution, never

to violate in the least particular, the laws of the country; and never

to tolerate their violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six

did to the support of the Declaration of Independence, so to the

support of the Constitution and Laws, let every American pledge

his life, his property, and his sacred honor;--let every man

remember that to violate the law, is to trample on the blood of his

father, and to tear the character of his own, and his children's

liberty. Let reverence for the laws, be breathed by every American

mother, to the lisping babe, that prattles on her lap--let it be taught

in schools, in seminaries, and in colleges; let it be written in

Primers, spelling books, and in Almanacs;--let it be preached from

the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative halls, and enforced in courts of

justice. And, in short, let it become the political religion of the

nation; and let the old and the young, the rich and the poor, the

grave and the gay, of all sexes and tongues, and colors and

conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its altars.

While ever a state of feeling, such as this, shall universally, or

even, very generally prevail throughout the nation, vain will be

every effort, and fruitless every attempt, to subvert our national


When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of all the laws, let

me not be understood as saying there are no bad laws, nor that

grievances may not arise, for the redress of which, no legal

provisions have been made.--I mean to say no such thing. But I do

mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist, should be

repealed as soon as possible, still while they continue in force, for

the sake of example, they should be religiously observed. So also

in unprovided cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be

made for them with the least possible delay; but, till then, let them,

if not too intolerable, be borne with.

There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress by mob law. In

any case that arises, as for instance, the promulgation of

abolitionism, one of two positions is necessarily true; that is, the

thing is right within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of

all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and therefore proper to

be prohibited by legal enactments; and in neither case, is the

interposition of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or


But, it may be asked, why suppose danger to our political

institutions? Have we not preserved them for more than fifty

years? And why may we not for fifty times as long?

We hope there is no sufficient reason. We hope all dangers may

be overcome; but to conclude that no danger may ever arise, would

itself be extremely dangerous. There are now, and will hereafter

be, many causes, dangerous in their tendency, which have not

existed heretofore; and which are not too insignificant to merit

attention. That our government should have been maintained in its

original form from its establishment until now, is not much to be

wondered at. It had many props to support it through that period,

which now are decayed, and crumbled away. Through that period, it

was felt by all, to be an undecided experiment; now, it is

understood to be a successful one.--Then, all that sought celebrity

and fame, and distinction, expected to find them in the success of

that experiment. Their all was staked upon it:-- their destiny was

inseparably linked with it. Their ambition aspired to display before

an admiring world, a practical demonstration of the truth of a

proposition, which had hitherto been considered, at best no better,

than problematical; namely, the capability of a people to govern

themselves. If they succeeded, they were to be immortalized; their

names were to be transferred to counties and cities, and rivers and

mountains; and to be revered and sung, and toasted through all

time. If they failed, they were to be called knaves and fools, and

fanatics for a fleeting hour; then to sink and be forgotten. They

succeeded. The experiment is successful; and thousands have won

their deathless names in making it so. But the game is caught; and

I believe it is true, that with the catching, end the pleasures of the

chase. This field of glory is harvested, and the crop is already

appropriated. But new reapers will arise, and they, too, will

seek a field.

It is to deny, what the history of the world tells us is true

to suppose that men of ambition and talents will not continue

to spring up amongst us.

And, when they do, they will as naturally seek the

gratification of their ruling passion, as others have so done before

them. The question then, is, can that gratification be found in

supporting and maintaining an edifice that has been erected by

others? Most certainly it cannot. Many great and good men

sufficiently qualified for any task they should undertake, may ever

be found, whose ambition would inspire to nothing beyond a seat in

Congress, a gubernatorial or a presidential chair; but such belong

not to the family of the lion, or the tribe of the eagle. What! think

you these places would satisfy an Alexander, a Caesar, or a

Napoleon?--Never! Towering genius distains a beaten path. It

seeks regions hitherto unexplored.--It sees no distinction in

adding story to story, upon the monuments of fame, erected to the

memory of others. It denies that it is glory enough to serve under

any chief. It scorns to tread in the footsteps of any predecessor,

however illustrious. It thirsts and burns for distinction; and, if

possible, it will have it, whether at the expense of emancipating

slaves, or enslaving freemen. Is it unreasonable then to expect,

that some man possessed of the loftiest genius, coupled with

ambition sufficient to push it to its utmost stretch, will at some

time, spring up among us? And when such a one does, it will

require the people to be united with each other, attached to the

government and laws, and generally intelligent, to successfully

frustrate his designs.

Distinction will be his paramount object, and although he would as

willingly, perhaps more so, acquire it by doing good as harm; yet,

that opportunity being past, and nothing left to be done in the way

of building up, he would set boldly to the task of pulling down.

Here, then, is a probable case, highly dangerous, and such a one as

could not have well existed heretofore.

Another reason which once was; but which, to the same extent, is

now no more, has done much in maintaining our institutions thus

far. I mean the powerful influence which the interesting scenes of

the revolution had upon the passions of the people as distinguished

from their judgment. By this influence, the jealousy, envy, and

avarice, incident to our nature, and so common to a state of peace,

prosperity, and conscious strength, were, for the time, in a great

measure smothered and rendered inactive; while the deep-rooted

principles of hate, and the powerful motive of revenge, instead of

being turned against each other, were directed exclusively against

the British nation. And thus, from the force of circumstances, the

basest principles of our nature, were either made to lie dormant, or

to become the active agents in the advancement of the noblest

cause--that of establishing and maintaining civil and religious


But this state of feeling must fade, is fading, has faded, with the

circumstances that produced it.

I do not mean to say, that the scenes of the revolution are now or

ever will be entirely forgotten; but that like every thing else, they

must fade upon the memory of the world, and grow more and more

dim by the lapse of time. In history, we hope, they will be read of,

and recounted, so long as the bible shall be read;-- but even

granting that they will, their influence cannot be what it heretofore

has been. Even then, they cannot be so universally known, nor so

vividly felt, as they were by the generation just gone to rest. At the

close of that struggle, nearly every adult male had been a

participator in some of its scenes. The consequence was, that of

those scenes, in the form of a husband, a father, a son or brother, a

living history was to be found in every family-- a history bearing

the indubitable testimonies of its own authenticity, in the limbs

mangled, in the scars of wounds received, in the midst of the very

scenes related--a history, too, that could be read and understood

alike by all, the wise and the ignorant, the learned and the

unlearned.--But those histories are gone. They can be read no

more forever. They were a fortress of strength; but, what invading

foeman could never do, the silent artillery of time has done; the

leveling of its walls. They are gone.--They were a forest of giant

oaks; but the all-resistless hurricane has swept over them, and left

only, here and there, a lonely trunk, despoiled of its verdure, shorn

of its foliage; unshading and unshaded, to murmur in a few gentle

breezes, and to combat with its mutilated limbs, a few more ruder

storms, then to sink, and be no more.

They were the pillars of the temple of liberty; and now, that they

have crumbled away, that temple must fall, unless we, their

descendants, supply their places with other pillars, hewn from the

solid quarry of sober reason. Passion has helped us; but can do so

no more. It will in future be our enemy. Reason, cold, calculating,

unimpassioned reason, must furnish all the materials for our future

support and defence.--Let those materials be moulded into general

intelligence, sound morality, and in particular, a reverence for the

constitution and laws: and, that we improved to the last; that we

remained free to the last; that we revered his name to the last;

that, during his long sleep, we permitted no hostile foot to pass

over or desecrate his resting place; shall be that which to learn the

last trump shall awaken our WASHINGTON.

Upon these let the proud fabric of freedom rest, as the rock of its

basis; and as truly as has been said of the only greater institution,

"the gates of hell shall not prevail against it."


Source: The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, edited by Roy P.


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